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After the war of 1 812, the people of the United States felt enormous pride in winning a war against the almighty Britain and used their nationalism to inspire improvements. Many people of the South shared John Randolph view that it was “unjust, to aggravate the burdens of the people for the purpose of favoring the manufactures. A) Furthermore, the Panic of 1 819, which was chiefly the fault of the 2nd Bank of the United States, hindered the nation’s growth. This course of action damaged businesses and farms throughout the county thus people could not pay their loans.Beginning with James Monomer’s election in 1816, Monroe (Republican) won the election with an outstanding ratio of 1 83 electoral votes to his opponent Rufus Kings (Federalist) 34 votes. As a result banks foreclosed people’s properties but even then, banks could not sell the mortgages.
Professor Schlesinger’s book deals with the period when nationalism and standardization seemed inevitable, when the rise of the city seemed to carry with it the knell of sectionalism.
He closes on a high note of unity, after the Spanish-American War, when “the foemen of 1861 had become comrades in spirit as well as in arms.” But Mr.
And historians seemed to believe that if they stopped studying it, it would die sooner: starved, neglected, and abandoned. Fascism and communism were dead, Fukuyama announced at the end of the Cold War.
Francis Fukuyama is a political scientist, not a historian. Nationalism, the greatest remaining threat to liberalism, had been “defanged” in the West, and in other parts of the world where it was still kicking, well, that wasn’t quite nationalism.
At first glance, these two volumes seem to have little relation to each other.
Frederick Jackson Turner’s “Significance of Sections” is a posthumous collection of essays, arranged by Max Farrand. In plan and in content, these two books seem far apart.“We can write history that implicitly denies or ignores the nation-state, but it would be a history that flew in the face of what people who live in a nation-state require and demand,” Degler said that night in Chicago. Nationalism, an infant in the nineteenth century, had become, in the first half of the twentieth, a monster.He issued a warning: “If we historians fail to provide a nationally defined history, others less critical and less informed will take over the job for us.” The nation-state was in decline, said the wise men of the time. But in the second half, it was nearly dead—a stumbling, ghastly wraith, at least outside postcolonial states.But it cannot be portrayed adequately when the basic and causal forces that brought about almost a social revolution are entirely neglected. Schlesinger writes with considerable understanding of the break-up of the old South into a new land of small farms and small industrial concerns, and with greater penetration of the conquest of the frontier West.Once this limitation is recognized, the book becomes immensely valuable. But he is most at home when he describes the appeal of the city, and the physical and scientific advances that it produced. Dilemma caused many conflicts for the Lignite States.The nation celebrated its culture and virtues, adopted Henry Clays American System, was united politically until the years prior to the election of 1 824, and dad auspicious declarations with European powers.And this change in our economic philosophy brought with it a change in our entire philosophy of life.It is this second change that Professor Schlesinger undertakes to portray.“The vast majority of the world’s nationalist movements do not have a political program beyond the negative desire of independence from some other group or people, and do not offer anything like a comprehensive agenda for socio-economic organization,” Fukuyama wrote.Prior to the war of 1 812, the United States was riddled with domestic political conflicts between the Federalist and Republican parties and diplomatic conflicts with Britain and France. With Britain and took a firm position against the potent European powers. H) Both of these events created positive vibes in the country as the U. In addition, the nation’s economy prospered due to Henry Clay’s American System, which promoted protective tariffs to protect and create industry and internal improvements such as roads, turnpikes, and canals to enhance internal commerce and unity. ) By examining the prevalent post-war accomplishments and improvements, it is evident that from the period of 1815 to 1825, the U. Adams from Massachusetts, Henry Clay from Kentucky, and William Crawford from Georgia were representing different sections of the United States with unalike interests. L) One of the main differences in interests was the issue of slavery, which Thomas Jefferson had predicted that one day it would be “the [death] knell of the E) The North’s economy had little to no use for slavery while the South’s economy depended on the slavery; especially after Eli Whitney invented the cotton gin, which allowed the production of cotton thus increasing demand for slaves.